Transport, identities, territories [2018]
This triangular set draws its source from a systemic approach to the dynamic forces driving contemporary society.
Since the invention of the wheel [1], transportation has been a means of controlling territories by the State wishing to exercise its prerogatives over them. Infrastructures have been developed in particular to allow the growth of trade but also - and above all - the rapid deployment in all axes of columns of soldiers: this was, is and will remain the norm for any power intending to keep its space under control [2].
It is up to any civilization to increase the transport network and maintain it at a sufficient level. Its cultural, economic, social, political, military, religious, scientific, etc. health depends on it. This network can be supplemented where appropriate by public and/or private local resource providers. By extension, the exploitation of the territory for the benefit of the resident group cannot be carried out without an efficient transport network to transport, transform and consume the resources extracted or produced.
The relationship between identity and territory is linked by the fact that a culture is born in a given place, there is no identity above ground. Enrichment comes from the exchanges allowed by the transport network, whether land, sea, air or digital.
Identity is not a monolithic or intangible whole: it is a moving configuration through space and time. Like a tree: the deeper its roots have time to be, the more vigorous the trunk and the more numerous the branches.
In addition, it is a permanent struggle since on the territory where identity takes root, centripetal forces are exerted to the extent of the presence and effectiveness of the means of circulation held by the main cultural community. A prolonged failure, which can lead to their withdrawal, leads to a strengthening of centrifugal forces. Because if this phenomenon - that of the decline or disappearance of communication routes - persists in one part of the territory, it has a particular consequence in the long term: it creates a new territorial identity or revives an old one that was once supplanted by the dominant identity.
Since the invention of the wheel [1], transportation has been a means of controlling territories by the State wishing to exercise its prerogatives over them. Infrastructures have been developed in particular to allow the growth of trade but also - and above all - the rapid deployment in all axes of columns of soldiers: this was, is and will remain the norm for any power intending to keep its space under control [2].
It is up to any civilization to increase the transport network and maintain it at a sufficient level. Its cultural, economic, social, political, military, religious, scientific, etc. health depends on it. This network can be supplemented where appropriate by public and/or private local resource providers. By extension, the exploitation of the territory for the benefit of the resident group cannot be carried out without an efficient transport network to transport, transform and consume the resources extracted or produced.
The relationship between identity and territory is linked by the fact that a culture is born in a given place, there is no identity above ground. Enrichment comes from the exchanges allowed by the transport network, whether land, sea, air or digital.
Identity is not a monolithic or intangible whole: it is a moving configuration through space and time. Like a tree: the deeper its roots have time to be, the more vigorous the trunk and the more numerous the branches.
In addition, it is a permanent struggle since on the territory where identity takes root, centripetal forces are exerted to the extent of the presence and effectiveness of the means of circulation held by the main cultural community. A prolonged failure, which can lead to their withdrawal, leads to a strengthening of centrifugal forces. Because if this phenomenon - that of the decline or disappearance of communication routes - persists in one part of the territory, it has a particular consequence in the long term: it creates a new territorial identity or revives an old one that was once supplanted by the dominant identity.
Indeed,
as soon as a network is no longer maintained or abandoned, the network
is redefined around one or more spaces delimited by common cultural
factors of community recognition, which communities must have a
communication network adapted to the new situation of territorial
recomposition. Thus, the feeling of abandonment of a part of the
territory can consecrate the emergence of new networks and from there,
new identities. It is a reconfiguration that can take a more or less
long time - with a passage through a phase of anarchy - but which is
defined by the delimitation of a territory and a community sharing a
base of common values, including opposition to a central power that is
negligent or arbitrary towards it.
In this scheme, any decline in transport in a given territory causes anomie in the affected area, which by extension strengthens its autonomy by reconfiguring its own network. There is also a dynamic reality: the more centralized the network, the more its management and maintenance are rationalized but the higher its extension cost and the lower its resilience capacity, while the decentralization of the network generates flexibility and responsiveness but increases the cost of interconnections and the risk of duplication.
Of course, this transport network can connect to third-party territories, however, priority is always given to internal and external territorial development. And this is quite logical since it is initially a question of protecting against any external aggression and then, as soon as the community is finally reassured about its security, developing cultural and economic exchanges between groups of members scattered across the territory under control. No viable (information) and profitable (trade in goods) exchange can take place in a territory if the communication channels - both material and immaterial - are not secure.
In this scheme, any decline in transport in a given territory causes anomie in the affected area, which by extension strengthens its autonomy by reconfiguring its own network. There is also a dynamic reality: the more centralized the network, the more its management and maintenance are rationalized but the higher its extension cost and the lower its resilience capacity, while the decentralization of the network generates flexibility and responsiveness but increases the cost of interconnections and the risk of duplication.
Of course, this transport network can connect to third-party territories, however, priority is always given to internal and external territorial development. And this is quite logical since it is initially a question of protecting against any external aggression and then, as soon as the community is finally reassured about its security, developing cultural and economic exchanges between groups of members scattered across the territory under control. No viable (information) and profitable (trade in goods) exchange can take place in a territory if the communication channels - both material and immaterial - are not secure.
When
the development of a community on the control of its territory has
reached an advanced stage of maturity, it can extend a principle of
extra-territoriality by extending its transport network, in particular
when opening flow connections (with compensation in the form of finance
or even the delivery of another product or service if it is a barter)
followed by a more or less significant influence depending on the
importance of the exchanges and their type (in other words, it is
necessary to reason in terms of quantity and quality). The activity of
the diplomatic network can be put to use, to a greater or lesser extent,
with the support of other State services such as military affairs:
extra-territoriality is a mixture of soft and hard power [3]. However,
for influence in terms of extra-territoriality to bear fruit, these
networks must be part of an influence strategy where force supports the
arm of commerce and/or justice [4].
In the 1990s, the construction of communication networks, what American Vice President Al Gore called in 1996 the information highways, guaranteed the United States their technological - and commercial - domination in the 2000s and then 2010s. The emergence of GAFA (Google Amazon Facebook Apple) and then NATU (Netflix AirBnB Twitter Uber) in the wake of IBM and Microsoft has perpetuated American superiority over the rest of the world without any dispute, with substantial consequences as revealed by the former NSA spy Edward Snowden [5]. In this way, it is a projection of civilizational ideals and their thought patterns that have imposed themselves in the minds of either the population or its elites depending on the structure: when you supervise the container, it is easier to control its content [6].
An increasingly connected world is not an increasingly peaceful world: it mainly increases dependence on products and services and places formerly isolated countries within reach of new appetites. This was the case, for example, of Japan, which had adopted a position of isolationism - the Sakoku - between 1641 and 1853: its forced opening (by Commodore Perry's gunboat) led to the reawakening of expansionist appetites. The example of Japan is also symptomatic, and relatively rare, of a country forced to open up to international trade by initially forcing it to import foreign products but knowing how to turn the situation of subjection to its advantage. Because the authorities of the Japanese archipelago subsequently succeeded in taking advantage of the imposed trade and then assimilating the codes of the international system while developing the training of the country's executives to use it as a tool of domination in turn. This is a pattern that 21st century China seems to be reproducing successfully since it has become the United States' largest creditor.
In the 1990s, the construction of communication networks, what American Vice President Al Gore called in 1996 the information highways, guaranteed the United States their technological - and commercial - domination in the 2000s and then 2010s. The emergence of GAFA (Google Amazon Facebook Apple) and then NATU (Netflix AirBnB Twitter Uber) in the wake of IBM and Microsoft has perpetuated American superiority over the rest of the world without any dispute, with substantial consequences as revealed by the former NSA spy Edward Snowden [5]. In this way, it is a projection of civilizational ideals and their thought patterns that have imposed themselves in the minds of either the population or its elites depending on the structure: when you supervise the container, it is easier to control its content [6].
An increasingly connected world is not an increasingly peaceful world: it mainly increases dependence on products and services and places formerly isolated countries within reach of new appetites. This was the case, for example, of Japan, which had adopted a position of isolationism - the Sakoku - between 1641 and 1853: its forced opening (by Commodore Perry's gunboat) led to the reawakening of expansionist appetites. The example of Japan is also symptomatic, and relatively rare, of a country forced to open up to international trade by initially forcing it to import foreign products but knowing how to turn the situation of subjection to its advantage. Because the authorities of the Japanese archipelago subsequently succeeded in taking advantage of the imposed trade and then assimilating the codes of the international system while developing the training of the country's executives to use it as a tool of domination in turn. This is a pattern that 21st century China seems to be reproducing successfully since it has become the United States' largest creditor.
For
mineral resource supply networks, the external influence of the
exporting country must again depend on an influence strategy in two
forms: either directly, that is to say by the constraint of a cessation
of supply of a product essential to the economic, energy or military
activity of the importing country (gas or rare earths for example) or by
indirect activism resulting from the fruits of these exchanges (on the
cultural or religious level for example). In the absence of a strategy,
the exporting country is likely to suffer what is called Dutch disease
[7] if it has an industrial base or to become a rentier state if it does
not have this base.
At a subnational level, transport or its absence can determine the identity of those who transit through a territory and even reinforce that of all residents forced to remain there.
Thus when a toll is introduced, the transit territory is acquired by those who have sufficient financial capital to use it. With the key advantages justifying the payment of a right of way. It is a priority axis that establishes a class within a population of individuals moving. The territory is also guarded and monitored, it is not freely accessible. For a fee, the private manager of the public space manages and maintains a network that he conditions on the payment of a sum based on a flat rate or proportionally to the distance, notwithstanding more or less sibylline increases.
Another subnational element, when a district is declared sensitive [8], and the State half-admits that it cannot exercise all its authority there, it then prohibits itself from having its own forces transit there towards this territory. On this territory, only vehicles authorized by the new masters of the place can circulate, whose occupants are recognized as loyal or harmless or especially lucrative. Conversely, any signage of a state service (fire brigade, police, ambulance) is targeted by intimidation that can go as far as gunshots. There is a tribal aspect with the rule of a village chief, or rather a district chief, to manage the entire territory. And based on this, there are those who are from the district and those who are not. This rejection, sometimes violent, of a power considered as a competitor, gives rise over time to a spirit, a feeling of belonging based on various criteria but delimited by a specific geographical area.
Similarly, when the municipality of a metropolis intends - under the cover of ecological concerns - to make motorists heading to the city centre contribute, or even to exclude them by deploying considerable resources (mobile or fixed automated systems for real-time recognition of license plates), there is discrimination aimed at determining those who are from the town and those who are outside. The city centre resident travels by public transport or by bicycle and broadens his horizons by intercity air or land transport: he crosses or flies over these peripheral areas at high speed that he does not wish to rub shoulders with. The comfort of these residents involves the expulsion of what they consider harmful to their lungs as well as their eyes, endorsing a segregationist communitarianism. At the same time, the neo-rurals, who are former urban dwellers pushed out of city centres by socio-economic insecurity, are subject to an ever-increasing mobility constraint imposed by a political caste close to the environments resulting from metropolitanisation. Metropolitan residents for whom the distance between home and work is largely acceptable due to the local means of transport available, especially as they benefit from the presence of remunerative employment areas (town centers and business zones).
At a subnational level, transport or its absence can determine the identity of those who transit through a territory and even reinforce that of all residents forced to remain there.
Thus when a toll is introduced, the transit territory is acquired by those who have sufficient financial capital to use it. With the key advantages justifying the payment of a right of way. It is a priority axis that establishes a class within a population of individuals moving. The territory is also guarded and monitored, it is not freely accessible. For a fee, the private manager of the public space manages and maintains a network that he conditions on the payment of a sum based on a flat rate or proportionally to the distance, notwithstanding more or less sibylline increases.
Another subnational element, when a district is declared sensitive [8], and the State half-admits that it cannot exercise all its authority there, it then prohibits itself from having its own forces transit there towards this territory. On this territory, only vehicles authorized by the new masters of the place can circulate, whose occupants are recognized as loyal or harmless or especially lucrative. Conversely, any signage of a state service (fire brigade, police, ambulance) is targeted by intimidation that can go as far as gunshots. There is a tribal aspect with the rule of a village chief, or rather a district chief, to manage the entire territory. And based on this, there are those who are from the district and those who are not. This rejection, sometimes violent, of a power considered as a competitor, gives rise over time to a spirit, a feeling of belonging based on various criteria but delimited by a specific geographical area.
Similarly, when the municipality of a metropolis intends - under the cover of ecological concerns - to make motorists heading to the city centre contribute, or even to exclude them by deploying considerable resources (mobile or fixed automated systems for real-time recognition of license plates), there is discrimination aimed at determining those who are from the town and those who are outside. The city centre resident travels by public transport or by bicycle and broadens his horizons by intercity air or land transport: he crosses or flies over these peripheral areas at high speed that he does not wish to rub shoulders with. The comfort of these residents involves the expulsion of what they consider harmful to their lungs as well as their eyes, endorsing a segregationist communitarianism. At the same time, the neo-rurals, who are former urban dwellers pushed out of city centres by socio-economic insecurity, are subject to an ever-increasing mobility constraint imposed by a political caste close to the environments resulting from metropolitanisation. Metropolitan residents for whom the distance between home and work is largely acceptable due to the local means of transport available, especially as they benefit from the presence of remunerative employment areas (town centers and business zones).
Quite
symptomatic is the rural repopulation that has been observed in France
for several years, while the most qualified and diversified jobs are
located near large urban centers. Through this discernible evolution
since the 2000s, there are two territorial identities that face each
other and whose relationship to transport is crucial [9].
Paradoxically, we return to the origins of the motor vehicle: not on a technological level but on a sociological level. Indeed, as at the genesis of this revolution in individual transport, the person who personally owns [10] a car and accesses the city center will be a wealthy man capable of paying various taxes, starting with an overpriced private parking space. In line with this orientation, there is a diffusion of the spirit of degrowth and technophobia deeply rooted in these new city dwellers who despise the poor and envy the rich while being secure in their own heritage. They do not fail to exhibit the bicycle as a political object more than a means of transport. A hardline attitude bordering on the ridiculous, not without a certain logic despite everything, when they castigate electromobility in urban spaces [11]. These neo-urbanites recognize each other by a certain standardization of thought and lifestyle conveyed (sic) in the main contemporary cities. Which in doing so accentuates the difference with the populations pushed out of city centers by the increase in rent as well as local goods and services.
As Nicolas Mazzucchi recalled in his last article [12]: "The territory is exploited, it is enhanced, sometimes it is conquered - the annexation of Crimea in 2014 reminds us of this - but it is always thought and lived. The territory is thus above all an experience that is both internal and collective, the key word of which is identity.".
Identity can only be born in a territory [13], and transport allows it to move more quickly within it, to strengthen it, to shape it through peripheral contributions but also to expand further during growth phases. Transport is a parameter that determines the power of centripetal and centrifugal forces while shaping territorial identities. Centripetal when the core of the main identity wishes to control and/or expand its territory, centrifugal when the representatives of a competing identity wish to reconfigure the logistical connections but also the entry and exit of the given territory. And if we automatically think of traffic routes, transport cannot be reduced to them since it is necessary to integrate in a broader way everything that can move or be moved on a material as well as immaterial level.
Restricting, facilitating, prohibiting, developing transport inevitably produces a spatial organization of the territory. The mobility of trade, or its absence, in turn induces the evolution of the identity of the territory.
To summarize, the territory emerges from the geographical approach, identity from the human approach while transport is the dynamic element - the belt - between the two aforementioned approaches.
Paradoxically, we return to the origins of the motor vehicle: not on a technological level but on a sociological level. Indeed, as at the genesis of this revolution in individual transport, the person who personally owns [10] a car and accesses the city center will be a wealthy man capable of paying various taxes, starting with an overpriced private parking space. In line with this orientation, there is a diffusion of the spirit of degrowth and technophobia deeply rooted in these new city dwellers who despise the poor and envy the rich while being secure in their own heritage. They do not fail to exhibit the bicycle as a political object more than a means of transport. A hardline attitude bordering on the ridiculous, not without a certain logic despite everything, when they castigate electromobility in urban spaces [11]. These neo-urbanites recognize each other by a certain standardization of thought and lifestyle conveyed (sic) in the main contemporary cities. Which in doing so accentuates the difference with the populations pushed out of city centers by the increase in rent as well as local goods and services.
As Nicolas Mazzucchi recalled in his last article [12]: "The territory is exploited, it is enhanced, sometimes it is conquered - the annexation of Crimea in 2014 reminds us of this - but it is always thought and lived. The territory is thus above all an experience that is both internal and collective, the key word of which is identity.".
Identity can only be born in a territory [13], and transport allows it to move more quickly within it, to strengthen it, to shape it through peripheral contributions but also to expand further during growth phases. Transport is a parameter that determines the power of centripetal and centrifugal forces while shaping territorial identities. Centripetal when the core of the main identity wishes to control and/or expand its territory, centrifugal when the representatives of a competing identity wish to reconfigure the logistical connections but also the entry and exit of the given territory. And if we automatically think of traffic routes, transport cannot be reduced to them since it is necessary to integrate in a broader way everything that can move or be moved on a material as well as immaterial level.
Restricting, facilitating, prohibiting, developing transport inevitably produces a spatial organization of the territory. The mobility of trade, or its absence, in turn induces the evolution of the identity of the territory.
To summarize, the territory emerges from the geographical approach, identity from the human approach while transport is the dynamic element - the belt - between the two aforementioned approaches.
[1]
While its origin is usually traced back to Mesopotamia around 3,500 BC,
recent discoveries seem to attest to an even earlier existence in
Eastern Europe, between present-day Poland and Ukraine. It should also
be noted that the assembly of a circular figure was not only used to
move around over the centuries, but also for various activities such as
grinding grain with a millstone or telling the time using cogwheels and
pinions.
[2] If we think of the Roman Empire – which gave rise to the famous adage “All roads lead to Rome” as well as the name “Mare Nostrum” for the Mediterranean – we must not forget the network of the Inca Empire, which allowed advanced and large-scale exploitation and distribution of agricultural resources, or even the Mongol Empire, whose efficient postal system commanded the respect of the conquered peoples.
[3] A country with a lower technological development than its neighbors can strengthen and improve its economic activity and military defense by investing in its education system, in research and development centers and in the national industrial framework. However, most generally it supplies itself directly from a State for the acquisition of civil and military goods that it cannot produce itself, allowing it to guarantee a sufficient level of economic activity and a military defense at a level but by making itself dependent on the supplier State. To overcome this effect, the diversification of supplies is often sought by the importing State but the higher the technology, the more the supply is reduced or even monopolistic. Of course, it is also necessary to take into account the existence of cartels which, on a given resource, can exert considerable pressure on client States.
[4] It is also one of the limits of liberal economists to claim that war can be replaced by trade since trade is a continuation of war on another model and the victims are counted in a different form. Moreover, a major trade crisis can lead to a conventional conflict as was the case between 1839 and 1842 during the Opium War between the United Kingdom and Imperial China. In the justice system, the best example of the principle of extraterritoriality of national laws is the application of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act since 1977: the American Department of Justice can strike any foreign company as long as an American citizen is involved and/or the currency used for corruption is the dollar or the company incriminated - or one of its subsidiaries - is listed on the stock exchange in the United States.
[5] The former contractor within the NSA, an American security agency, revealed in 2013 that the agency's practices were carried out worldwide, including against allies of the United States. This large-scale cyber espionage was facilitated by the use of tools from American companies required to collaborate with state intelligence agencies. The massive collection of global data gave the United States a major competitive advantage over other countries.
[6] This is particularly the problem of maritime cables that connect continents, and which remain under American ownership. A reality that is currently pushing China to prioritize the laying of new land lines across Central Asia to reduce its dependence. The laying and then operation in February 2018 of the high-performance transatlantic fiber optic cable Marea reinforces the mistrust of the Chinese authorities due to the massive financial involvement of Microsoft and Facebook.
[7] Dutch disease comes from an analysis of the rapid enrichment of the Netherlands following the discovery and exploitation of North Sea gas deposits in the 1960s. The phenomenon caused a chain reaction: establishment of a situation of rent based on this activity to the detriment of the diversity of local industries; appreciation of the national currency facilitating imports of foreign products and services but further weakening the national economic fabric; export of North Sea gas becoming less and less profitable due to the strengthening of the Dutch guilder and then the dwindling of resources. This lesson was studied by Norway, which was keen to limit these effects on its own economy as much as possible, in particular by establishing a sovereign wealth fund.
[2] If we think of the Roman Empire – which gave rise to the famous adage “All roads lead to Rome” as well as the name “Mare Nostrum” for the Mediterranean – we must not forget the network of the Inca Empire, which allowed advanced and large-scale exploitation and distribution of agricultural resources, or even the Mongol Empire, whose efficient postal system commanded the respect of the conquered peoples.
[3] A country with a lower technological development than its neighbors can strengthen and improve its economic activity and military defense by investing in its education system, in research and development centers and in the national industrial framework. However, most generally it supplies itself directly from a State for the acquisition of civil and military goods that it cannot produce itself, allowing it to guarantee a sufficient level of economic activity and a military defense at a level but by making itself dependent on the supplier State. To overcome this effect, the diversification of supplies is often sought by the importing State but the higher the technology, the more the supply is reduced or even monopolistic. Of course, it is also necessary to take into account the existence of cartels which, on a given resource, can exert considerable pressure on client States.
[4] It is also one of the limits of liberal economists to claim that war can be replaced by trade since trade is a continuation of war on another model and the victims are counted in a different form. Moreover, a major trade crisis can lead to a conventional conflict as was the case between 1839 and 1842 during the Opium War between the United Kingdom and Imperial China. In the justice system, the best example of the principle of extraterritoriality of national laws is the application of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act since 1977: the American Department of Justice can strike any foreign company as long as an American citizen is involved and/or the currency used for corruption is the dollar or the company incriminated - or one of its subsidiaries - is listed on the stock exchange in the United States.
[5] The former contractor within the NSA, an American security agency, revealed in 2013 that the agency's practices were carried out worldwide, including against allies of the United States. This large-scale cyber espionage was facilitated by the use of tools from American companies required to collaborate with state intelligence agencies. The massive collection of global data gave the United States a major competitive advantage over other countries.
[6] This is particularly the problem of maritime cables that connect continents, and which remain under American ownership. A reality that is currently pushing China to prioritize the laying of new land lines across Central Asia to reduce its dependence. The laying and then operation in February 2018 of the high-performance transatlantic fiber optic cable Marea reinforces the mistrust of the Chinese authorities due to the massive financial involvement of Microsoft and Facebook.
[7] Dutch disease comes from an analysis of the rapid enrichment of the Netherlands following the discovery and exploitation of North Sea gas deposits in the 1960s. The phenomenon caused a chain reaction: establishment of a situation of rent based on this activity to the detriment of the diversity of local industries; appreciation of the national currency facilitating imports of foreign products and services but further weakening the national economic fabric; export of North Sea gas becoming less and less profitable due to the strengthening of the Dutch guilder and then the dwindling of resources. This lesson was studied by Norway, which was keen to limit these effects on its own economy as much as possible, in particular by establishing a sovereign wealth fund.
[8]
In France, the Ministry of the City distinguishes several categories of
sensitive neighborhoods, the ZUS (Sensitive Urbanization Zones) which
have become QPV (Priority Neighborhoods of the City Policy), a name
considered less discriminatory in form and based primarily on the
standard of living and to a lesser extent now on delinquent and criminal
acts. However, these neighborhoods suffer mainly from a withdrawal of
public services which in turn leads to a withdrawal of spaces for
economic activity: a spiral is set in motion with the bad reputation
which increasingly contracts the economic fabric and in doing so the
employment pool. The State partially and clumsily compensates for the
phenomenon with subsidies and renovated housing, but the main source of
the problems in these neighborhoods is of a human nature with
anti-social behavior carried out with complete impunity, the fruit of
the decline of State authority.
[9] When in January 2018 the French executive, through its Prime Minister, announced that it would reduce the speed limit by 10 km/h on secondary roads in France (a mere 900,000 kilometres of asphalt strip at the very least), it stirred up violent resentment among an entire population living outside major urban centres. This population accused the news of humiliation and a restriction on its freedom of movement, since the measure only concerned rural dwellers who were forced to travel long distances. This was all the more incongruous given that Denmark, which had experimented with this speed reduction, quickly backtracked in view of the disastrous results in terms of road safety, and that Austria was considering increasing the maximum speed limit on motorways.
[10] The phenomenon of sharing goods is symptomatic of this societal upheaval: since the advent of the mass consumer society, individual possession was the norm and the sign of social success. The phenomenon of uberization introduces solutions to the decline in purchasing power and social downgrading through a new paradigm: that of the collective sharing of an individual good subject to financial compensation. Collectivization within the capitalist model comes from the weakening of individual wealth despite the most laudable official reasons of the actors (altruism, environmentalism, discovery of the other, etc.), more suffered than desired.
[11] During the organization of the Formula E (electric) Grand Prix in Paris in 2018, the environmental movement protested against the city hall regarding the holding of this event in the capital. However, in the report issued for this purpose, FIA Formula E complies with ISO 20121, a standard that regulates procedures for sustainable development in the context of events.
http://www.fiaformulae.com/en/news/2017/february/formula-e-releases-latest-sustainability-report/
[12] Nicolas Mazzucchi, Mondialisation et territoires, Echo Radar, August 6, 2018
http://echoradar.eu/2018/08/06/mondialisation-et-territoires/#more-3883
[13] Nomadism is no exception to this rule since this way of life requires that exchanges within the community find refuge and pasture in a given territory. Perpetual motion does not allow the building of a culture, only temporal and spatial stability allows it. Otherwise, there is only a community of interest (example: the defense of the group of individuals on the route) and not an identity.
[9] When in January 2018 the French executive, through its Prime Minister, announced that it would reduce the speed limit by 10 km/h on secondary roads in France (a mere 900,000 kilometres of asphalt strip at the very least), it stirred up violent resentment among an entire population living outside major urban centres. This population accused the news of humiliation and a restriction on its freedom of movement, since the measure only concerned rural dwellers who were forced to travel long distances. This was all the more incongruous given that Denmark, which had experimented with this speed reduction, quickly backtracked in view of the disastrous results in terms of road safety, and that Austria was considering increasing the maximum speed limit on motorways.
[10] The phenomenon of sharing goods is symptomatic of this societal upheaval: since the advent of the mass consumer society, individual possession was the norm and the sign of social success. The phenomenon of uberization introduces solutions to the decline in purchasing power and social downgrading through a new paradigm: that of the collective sharing of an individual good subject to financial compensation. Collectivization within the capitalist model comes from the weakening of individual wealth despite the most laudable official reasons of the actors (altruism, environmentalism, discovery of the other, etc.), more suffered than desired.
[11] During the organization of the Formula E (electric) Grand Prix in Paris in 2018, the environmental movement protested against the city hall regarding the holding of this event in the capital. However, in the report issued for this purpose, FIA Formula E complies with ISO 20121, a standard that regulates procedures for sustainable development in the context of events.
http://www.fiaformulae.com/en/news/2017/february/formula-e-releases-latest-sustainability-report/
[12] Nicolas Mazzucchi, Mondialisation et territoires, Echo Radar, August 6, 2018
http://echoradar.eu/2018/08/06/mondialisation-et-territoires/#more-3883
[13] Nomadism is no exception to this rule since this way of life requires that exchanges within the community find refuge and pasture in a given territory. Perpetual motion does not allow the building of a culture, only temporal and spatial stability allows it. Otherwise, there is only a community of interest (example: the defense of the group of individuals on the route) and not an identity.