Internet: Catalyst of a new economic, generational and geopolitical paradigm [2011]
Despite its seemingly social focus, the "Indignados" movement in Spain was deeply intertwined with cyberspace-related issues, not only through its use of communication tools but also from an ideological perspective. The 15-M Movement, as it is also known, emerged as a large-scale social phenomenon driven by several converging factors: an economic crisis disproportionately affecting younger populations; disillusionment with a political class perceived as overly beholden to lobbies and disconnected from reality; a distorted democracy increasingly controlled by professional elites rather than citizens; and rejection of the widening income gap between the richest and poorest. While this movement shares similarities with the Arab revolutions—particularly in its extensive use of new telecommunications and social networks—it is also connected to social movements that have emerged since 2009 in Iceland, Lithuania, Latvia, Greece, and the United Kingdom. Notably, one of the eight demands of ¡Democracia Real YA!, a key platform of the movement, explicitly calls for the abolition of the Sinde Law in its seventh point: "No to internet control, abolition of the Sinde Law." This demand reflects a broader awareness and active rejection of efforts by certain governments and economic powers to shape the future of the internet. This generational movement, structuring itself around the internet and expressing contemporary grievances, extends beyond the Iberian Peninsula, resonating from the Americas to Australia, and across the Maghreb and Mashreq.From the Indignados to Obama: The Fight for Internet Neutrality
The Ley de Economía Sostenible, commonly known as the Sinde Law, is Spain’s counterpart to France’s HADOPI law (Loi Création et Internet). It is significant that this legislation has been criticized by a generation that rejects the unilateral and restrictive views of their leaders, who are increasingly eager to regulate—or, as some might argue, "civilize"—a medium of expression that is revolutionizing humanity, much like papyrus and the printing press once did. This issue has heightened tensions between political leaders and the most progressive and dynamic segments of society.
Contested by both ordinary internet users and IT experts, the Sinde Law has fueled resentment toward a political establishment perceived as poorly advised yet determined to regulate information and communication technologies. This debate, highly relevant today, contributed to the resignation of former French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, who disagreed with the direction taken by the Élysée. The eG8 summit, held in Paris on May 24–25, 2011, prioritized internet regulation and strengthened copyright protection over innovation and economic opportunities—a questionable choice, given that a 2011 McKinsey report estimated the internet’s contribution to France’s GDP at 3.9% in 2010.
Like France’s HADOPI law (officially Law No. 2009-669, with "HADOPI" referring to the administrative authority tasked with addressing intellectual property infringements), the Sinde Law sparked a legal battle with a unique outcome. In France, the Constitutional Council rejected the initial draft, forcing lawmakers to revise it and ultimately resort to controversial criminal ordinances. In Spain, Barcelona lawyer Josep Jover, defending IT-related SMEs, successfully challenged a key advocate of the Sinde Law, marking a significant victory against entities akin to France’s copyright management organizations. However, this victory was only loosely tied to the Indignados movement, as it emerged from a broader struggle against lobbies that leverage financial influence and persistent pressure on elected officials to pass tailored legislation.
Another critical issue, net neutrality, is increasingly threatened by economic monopolies. U.S. President Barack Obama has repeatedly emphasized his commitment to this principle, which played a pivotal role in his 2008 presidential campaign. His strategic use of the internet and its interactive and collaborative features enabled him to secure significant financial support. In his 2009 economic recovery plan, Obama tied federal aid for modernized infrastructure to the condition of upholding net neutrality, leading to the Federal Communications Commission’s adoption of related rules in December 2010. Similarly, the Indignados movement, presenting itself as a citizen-led initiative, has harnessed the internet’s power to amplify its impact, making it a cornerstone of modern revolutions. It is thus unsurprising that Obama has become a staunch defender of the internet, adopting a more assertive stance against its critics.
This perspective is shared by former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, known for his affinity for new technologies. A frequent user of social networks like LiveJournal, Medvedev encouraged his colleagues and regional governors to engage with citizens through these platforms and maintain blogs to report local progress. At the G8 summit in Deauville in May 2011, he delivered a passionate speech advocating for a revision of copyright laws to align with digital realities, criticizing his peers for their conservatism. He later proposed granting legal status to Creative Commons, a flexible intellectual property framework rooted in the open-source software movement, within Russia’s legislative framework. He reiterated this ambition at the G20 summit in Cannes in November 2011, urging global leaders to approach the issue innovatively. Notably, Medvedev was a law professor before entering politics.
A clear divide is emerging between two worlds: the old, rooted in traditional power structures, and the new, shaped by digital innovation. The internet has become a battleground for these competing forces across various domains of human activity.The Internet: Between Control and Technical Realities
Digital counterfeiting—often mischaracterized as theft, despite involving duplication rather than deprivation—has prompted governments to explore filtering solutions and even internet access restrictions. These measures, heavily criticized, were condemned in a July 2011 OSCE report, which scrutinized the international Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) and its push for digital barriers to combat piracy (a term lacking legal precision, with "counterfeiting" being more accurate). The OSCE deemed measures like the "three-strikes" laws in several member states disproportionate, arguing that they violate commitments to freedom of information, which are vital to democracy and enhanced by internet access.
There is no naivety in defending an unregulated internet; rather, it stems from the recognition that innovation and economic prosperity thrive in environments where creative forces can flourish. Sanctions are not dismissed, but the methods proposed or enacted are often ill-suited to the digital age. Cutting off internet access, for instance, poses technical challenges for providers, who must avoid disrupting telephone and audiovisual data transmitted through the same infrastructure. Such measures also hinder numerous online activities, from tax payments to job applications and video conferencing. Moreover, the proliferation of 3G and 3G+ on smartphones enables users to bypass sanctions by connecting to poorly secured Wi-Fi networks, further complicating enforcement.Upstream censorship of suspicious sites, as implemented in Australia and Germany, has yielded limited success, often affecting legitimate third-party sites due to unilateral filtering. In Germany, former President Horst Köhler refused to sign a 2009 bill for nationwide filtering, and in March 2011, Justice Minister Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger opposed filtering, favoring the reporting and neutralization of offending sites. Australia, citing economic constraints, shelved its filtering system in May 2011, deeming it too costly amid budget cuts.While these measures primarily target child pornography, copyright holders persistently advocate for their expansion to counterfeiting. In some cases, counterfeiting laws have been exploited by state authorities, as seen in Russia in 2010, when the Ministry of Justice used them to target NGOs, to the dismay of Microsoft, which faced reputational damage despite its legal basis for pursuing counterfeit products. Microsoft was forced to introduce a special free license program for NGOs to mitigate the fallout.
In late 2011, U.S. lawmakers debated the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA), pitting major internet companies like Google, Yahoo, Facebook, and Twitter against proponents of traditional intellectual property industries. This conflict mirrors global tensions between advocates of the digital economy and defenders of older economic models.
In response to such control efforts, countries like Iceland are positioning themselves as offshore hubs for internet-related activities, as evidenced by the 2010 Icelandic Modern Media Initiative. Regulatory laws are increasingly seen as unwelcome and inefficient, often outdated and incomplete, prompting circumvention efforts by users and economic actors alike.New Era, New Model, New Challenges
Over recent years, cyberspace has become a battleground where supporters of outdated economic models clash with proponents of the digital economy. Intellectual property disputes have far-reaching political and geopolitical implications. Some decision-makers, failing to grasp the opportunities of this new frontier, have resorted to costly and technically inefficient solutions. Meanwhile, pirate parties, once dismissed, are gaining traction, as seen in Sweden’s election of two European Parliament members and the surprising success of Germany’s Pirate Party in Berlin’s 2011 regional elections, where it emerged as the fourth-largest political force. The international Pirate Party movement, established in 2006 and active in 26 countries, reflects a growing political awareness of digital issues. This is further exemplified by figures like Slim Amamou, a Tunisian Pirate Party activist who became Secretary of State for Youth and Sports after the 2011 Tunisian revolution. While connections between these groups may be loose, they share a sense of belonging to a transnational digital culture.
Hacktivist groups like Anonymous have also gained prominence, moving from symbolic actions to more radical interventions. Their motto—“We are legion, we do not forgive, we do not forget, expect us”—underscores their impact. A notable example, cited by Thomas Rid in his article “Cyber War Will Not Take Place,” involved Anonymous’s 2011 attack on HBGary Federal, a cybersecurity firm that threatened to expose the group. The attack included website defacement, theft of confidential emails, and deletion of compromising files, severely damaging HBGary’s reputation.
The Occupy Wall Street movement, which spread globally, aligns with this digital protest culture, leveraging social networks to amplify its message. From the Indignados to Anonymous and Occupy Wall Street, these movements share a commitment to defending internet culture and challenging the status quo. The ongoing economic, financial, political, and civilizational crises in the Western world have elevated the internet as both a platform and a catalyst for these protest movements.Fight or Support?
In the 21st century, many countries are grappling with the internet’s transformative impact, creating unease and a sense of socio-temporal dislocation. Perhaps it is time to acknowledge this technological upheaval and align governance with the digital age. Supporting a wealth-creating, innovative grassroots movement may prove less costly than opposing it to the point of failure.
Note: The term "generational" in this text does not refer to a specific age group but rather to a population that has embraced the opportunities offered by the internet.
The Ley de Economía Sostenible, commonly known as the Sinde Law, is Spain’s counterpart to France’s HADOPI law (Loi Création et Internet). It is significant that this legislation has been criticized by a generation that rejects the unilateral and restrictive views of their leaders, who are increasingly eager to regulate—or, as some might argue, "civilize"—a medium of expression that is revolutionizing humanity, much like papyrus and the printing press once did. This issue has heightened tensions between political leaders and the most progressive and dynamic segments of society.
Contested by both ordinary internet users and IT experts, the Sinde Law has fueled resentment toward a political establishment perceived as poorly advised yet determined to regulate information and communication technologies. This debate, highly relevant today, contributed to the resignation of former French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, who disagreed with the direction taken by the Élysée. The eG8 summit, held in Paris on May 24–25, 2011, prioritized internet regulation and strengthened copyright protection over innovation and economic opportunities—a questionable choice, given that a 2011 McKinsey report estimated the internet’s contribution to France’s GDP at 3.9% in 2010.
Like France’s HADOPI law (officially Law No. 2009-669, with "HADOPI" referring to the administrative authority tasked with addressing intellectual property infringements), the Sinde Law sparked a legal battle with a unique outcome. In France, the Constitutional Council rejected the initial draft, forcing lawmakers to revise it and ultimately resort to controversial criminal ordinances. In Spain, Barcelona lawyer Josep Jover, defending IT-related SMEs, successfully challenged a key advocate of the Sinde Law, marking a significant victory against entities akin to France’s copyright management organizations. However, this victory was only loosely tied to the Indignados movement, as it emerged from a broader struggle against lobbies that leverage financial influence and persistent pressure on elected officials to pass tailored legislation.
Another critical issue, net neutrality, is increasingly threatened by economic monopolies. U.S. President Barack Obama has repeatedly emphasized his commitment to this principle, which played a pivotal role in his 2008 presidential campaign. His strategic use of the internet and its interactive and collaborative features enabled him to secure significant financial support. In his 2009 economic recovery plan, Obama tied federal aid for modernized infrastructure to the condition of upholding net neutrality, leading to the Federal Communications Commission’s adoption of related rules in December 2010. Similarly, the Indignados movement, presenting itself as a citizen-led initiative, has harnessed the internet’s power to amplify its impact, making it a cornerstone of modern revolutions. It is thus unsurprising that Obama has become a staunch defender of the internet, adopting a more assertive stance against its critics.
This perspective is shared by former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, known for his affinity for new technologies. A frequent user of social networks like LiveJournal, Medvedev encouraged his colleagues and regional governors to engage with citizens through these platforms and maintain blogs to report local progress. At the G8 summit in Deauville in May 2011, he delivered a passionate speech advocating for a revision of copyright laws to align with digital realities, criticizing his peers for their conservatism. He later proposed granting legal status to Creative Commons, a flexible intellectual property framework rooted in the open-source software movement, within Russia’s legislative framework. He reiterated this ambition at the G20 summit in Cannes in November 2011, urging global leaders to approach the issue innovatively. Notably, Medvedev was a law professor before entering politics.
A clear divide is emerging between two worlds: the old, rooted in traditional power structures, and the new, shaped by digital innovation. The internet has become a battleground for these competing forces across various domains of human activity.The Internet: Between Control and Technical Realities
Digital counterfeiting—often mischaracterized as theft, despite involving duplication rather than deprivation—has prompted governments to explore filtering solutions and even internet access restrictions. These measures, heavily criticized, were condemned in a July 2011 OSCE report, which scrutinized the international Anti-Counterfeiting Trade Agreement (ACTA) and its push for digital barriers to combat piracy (a term lacking legal precision, with "counterfeiting" being more accurate). The OSCE deemed measures like the "three-strikes" laws in several member states disproportionate, arguing that they violate commitments to freedom of information, which are vital to democracy and enhanced by internet access.
There is no naivety in defending an unregulated internet; rather, it stems from the recognition that innovation and economic prosperity thrive in environments where creative forces can flourish. Sanctions are not dismissed, but the methods proposed or enacted are often ill-suited to the digital age. Cutting off internet access, for instance, poses technical challenges for providers, who must avoid disrupting telephone and audiovisual data transmitted through the same infrastructure. Such measures also hinder numerous online activities, from tax payments to job applications and video conferencing. Moreover, the proliferation of 3G and 3G+ on smartphones enables users to bypass sanctions by connecting to poorly secured Wi-Fi networks, further complicating enforcement.Upstream censorship of suspicious sites, as implemented in Australia and Germany, has yielded limited success, often affecting legitimate third-party sites due to unilateral filtering. In Germany, former President Horst Köhler refused to sign a 2009 bill for nationwide filtering, and in March 2011, Justice Minister Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger opposed filtering, favoring the reporting and neutralization of offending sites. Australia, citing economic constraints, shelved its filtering system in May 2011, deeming it too costly amid budget cuts.While these measures primarily target child pornography, copyright holders persistently advocate for their expansion to counterfeiting. In some cases, counterfeiting laws have been exploited by state authorities, as seen in Russia in 2010, when the Ministry of Justice used them to target NGOs, to the dismay of Microsoft, which faced reputational damage despite its legal basis for pursuing counterfeit products. Microsoft was forced to introduce a special free license program for NGOs to mitigate the fallout.
In late 2011, U.S. lawmakers debated the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA), pitting major internet companies like Google, Yahoo, Facebook, and Twitter against proponents of traditional intellectual property industries. This conflict mirrors global tensions between advocates of the digital economy and defenders of older economic models.
In response to such control efforts, countries like Iceland are positioning themselves as offshore hubs for internet-related activities, as evidenced by the 2010 Icelandic Modern Media Initiative. Regulatory laws are increasingly seen as unwelcome and inefficient, often outdated and incomplete, prompting circumvention efforts by users and economic actors alike.New Era, New Model, New Challenges
Over recent years, cyberspace has become a battleground where supporters of outdated economic models clash with proponents of the digital economy. Intellectual property disputes have far-reaching political and geopolitical implications. Some decision-makers, failing to grasp the opportunities of this new frontier, have resorted to costly and technically inefficient solutions. Meanwhile, pirate parties, once dismissed, are gaining traction, as seen in Sweden’s election of two European Parliament members and the surprising success of Germany’s Pirate Party in Berlin’s 2011 regional elections, where it emerged as the fourth-largest political force. The international Pirate Party movement, established in 2006 and active in 26 countries, reflects a growing political awareness of digital issues. This is further exemplified by figures like Slim Amamou, a Tunisian Pirate Party activist who became Secretary of State for Youth and Sports after the 2011 Tunisian revolution. While connections between these groups may be loose, they share a sense of belonging to a transnational digital culture.
Hacktivist groups like Anonymous have also gained prominence, moving from symbolic actions to more radical interventions. Their motto—“We are legion, we do not forgive, we do not forget, expect us”—underscores their impact. A notable example, cited by Thomas Rid in his article “Cyber War Will Not Take Place,” involved Anonymous’s 2011 attack on HBGary Federal, a cybersecurity firm that threatened to expose the group. The attack included website defacement, theft of confidential emails, and deletion of compromising files, severely damaging HBGary’s reputation.
The Occupy Wall Street movement, which spread globally, aligns with this digital protest culture, leveraging social networks to amplify its message. From the Indignados to Anonymous and Occupy Wall Street, these movements share a commitment to defending internet culture and challenging the status quo. The ongoing economic, financial, political, and civilizational crises in the Western world have elevated the internet as both a platform and a catalyst for these protest movements.Fight or Support?
In the 21st century, many countries are grappling with the internet’s transformative impact, creating unease and a sense of socio-temporal dislocation. Perhaps it is time to acknowledge this technological upheaval and align governance with the digital age. Supporting a wealth-creating, innovative grassroots movement may prove less costly than opposing it to the point of failure.
Note: The term "generational" in this text does not refer to a specific age group but rather to a population that has embraced the opportunities offered by the internet.
Bibliography:
Hacktivism and Cyberwars: Rebels with a Cause? Tim Jordan and Paul Taylor, Routledge Publishing, 2004
.
An Introduction to New Media and Cybercultures, Pramod K. Nayar, Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2010.
Strategies in Cyberspace, collective work co-edited by Olivier Kempf and Stéphane Dossé, L'Esprit du Livre Publishing, 2011
OSCE Report Freedom of Expression on the Internet: http://www.osce.org/fom/80723
.
Cyber War will not take place, Thomas Rid, Journal of Strategic Studies, 2011
Hacktivism and Cyberwars: Rebels with a Cause? Tim Jordan and Paul Taylor, Routledge Publishing, 2004
.
An Introduction to New Media and Cybercultures, Pramod K. Nayar, Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, 2010.
Strategies in Cyberspace, collective work co-edited by Olivier Kempf and Stéphane Dossé, L'Esprit du Livre Publishing, 2011
OSCE Report Freedom of Expression on the Internet: http://www.osce.org/fom/80723
.
Cyber War will not take place, Thomas Rid, Journal of Strategic Studies, 2011